Die Wilhelmshavener Revolte - R.terepublik und Kommune 1919
Ein Kapitel des revolution.ren Bewegung in der deutschen Marine 1918-1919, Ikarus (Ernst Schneider)

Contents:

• Die Wilhelmshavener Revolte/The Wilhelmshavener Revolt
• Masses and Leaders
• The Grouping of the German Labor Movement After August 4, 1914
• The Secret Committee of the North Sea Fleet
• The Socialist Republic Wilhelmshaven
• The Critical Point
• Prospects and Possibilities
• The Revolutionary Wilhelmshaven Commune
• Conclusions and the Issues at Stake
• Epilogue

Introduction

With the rapid industrialisation of Germany, there grew up what was then, numerically the strongest workers movement in the world. Contrary to Britain, the socialist workers' party came into being first, then, later on came the Trade Unions with their thousands of members.

The anti-socialist laws of Bismarck of the last century, did not hinder, but rather furthered the social revolutionary development, though the fact remains, that the ideological development of the oppressed masses has always been far behind the revolutionary Iechnical development.

Nevertheless, during this process, the capitalist class was able, out of their immense profits, to throw a bone now and again to the oppressed. This, and ideological factors has opened the door to labour reformism. The majority of the profession.l leaders who dreamt of "growing gradually into socialism" became, forced by circumstances, associates of the capitalist system.

The rise of industrial Germany to the position of a great power came only after other countries had already developed independent manufacturing industries. There was hardly a territory left where traders and financiers could establish themselves, and to compensate for this the German State supported the banks and cartels in their fight against foreign competitors. Because their home market was too small for the highly developed economy which they controlled, the German monopolists needed territory and markets, which could be only obtained by national monopolies and State-capitalist expansion.

In Germany, contrary to Britain where international banking was the rule, national finance capital was predominant, which means banking capital, utilised for big industrial coricerns and trusts which have a monopolist position inside the country.

As a matter of fact, Germany's drive for expansion abroad, proved to be a most dangerous competitor and rival of the older Imperialisms, in particular, Great Britain.

Around the 90's of the last century, Britain lost the greatest part of it's trade on the Pacific coast to Germany, to say nothing of its losses to Germany in other parts of the world.

The mode of production and the current ideologies which determine the social-economic formations, the territorial division of the world by the great capitalist-military powers, the domination of the big monopolist combines make a series off imperialist World Wars inevitable, it could only be a question of time.

Even the Conference of the Social-Democrats in 1907, which was held in Stuttgart - even then wholly opportunistic - could not help but come to the conclusion that "Capitalism means War."

But these were words, mere words. The International Socialist movement with its declared leader-organisations proved itself to be in practice a capitalist institution. lnstead of their Utopia of "growing into socialism" they grew, in accord with the national laws, into inseparable cohesion with the capitalist system.

This is certainly nothing new, but it is necessary to bear it in mind. In publications of the Left-Radicals in Germany before the first World War, it was pointed out that successful mass actions occur almost spontaneously. This is very true, and history proves it. In this manner, for instance, the sailors, through their spontaneous strike in Hamburg (1885) gained, besides the biggest wage increase ever known before, a general improvement in their working conditions and accommodation.

The same could be pointed out in the case of the spontaneous action of the crew of the giant S.S. "Vaterland" at Cuxhaven in the Spring of 1914. Here, the seamen, about 1,300, acted as a self-asserting fighting unit of the working class. There was then no time for needless collaboration between the seamen and the millionaires of the Hamburg-Amerika line, but there was solidarity and self-consciousness of the seamen. In short, the proud lords of the Hapag were forced to give in to the demands of the seamen unconditionally.

Moreover, the example given in this action of the proletarian vanguard spread over all. the ocean-going ships of the German Merchant Fleet. Welcomed by the broad masses of the dock and riverside proletariat, again and again, they had emphasised their intention to fight their cause out. They knew that this could not be done by supporting the capitalist forces, but only against them.

The German social-democratic press at the same time - its characteristic - had, besides sneering at the seamen, little courage to report the matter impartially. The big dailies in New York however, made less secrecy out of it. Their front pages were full of the bold, but illegal strike action of the seamen on board the "Vaterland". It is essential to note that service in the lmperial Navy was compulsory for every German seaman. The crews of the merchant fleet were almost identical with the sailors on board the warships. The rest of the men of the war fleet were recruited from other sections of the industrial proletariat. Thus, they had not only the same interest, but also the same insubordinate spirit.

Nevertheless, although their continuous struggle for freedom has been far less successful, the mutiny on board the warship "Oldenburg" in the previous century opened an epoch of physical resistance and prolonged unrest of the war fleet. Without a doubt, the die was cast for revolutionary mass action. This then, was the spiritual attitude amongst the maritime proletariat in Germany in 1914.

Masses and Leaders

THE WAR CLOUDS gathered over Germany. The rank and file of the German Labour Movement, at that time, in numbers, the mightiest movement in the Second International, urged for measures against the approaching war. Crowded mass meetings were held, and the slogan was given: "Mass action against the war."

But words, mere words. The mass of the workers under the influence of their organisations, strongly organised and disciplined in Party and Trade Unions were waiting for the call to action from their trusted leaders, but the call never came! Instead of action came complete political collapse. In contradiction of their previous teaching, the spokesman of the Social Democratic Party in the German Parliament on August 4, 1914, declared, "In the hour of danger we shall stand by our Fatherland". The majority of the Social Democratic leaders had found their Fatherland. The workers were still without one!

The problem of masses and leaders remained practically unsolved, despite the prolonged struggle of revolutionary socialists such as Rosa Luxemburg, Anton Pannekoek, Heinrich Laufenberg, Johann Knief and others, whose devotion to the cause was unquestioned, against the then already flourishing policy of class betrayal. The overwhelming majority of the Social Democratic leaders rejected the idea of self-determination of the working class, and worked secretly through their revisionist apparatus "Verein Arbeiterpresse" for the subordination of the proletariat to the bureaucratic organisations. The catastrophe was unavoidable. Many workers felt that their sacrifices had been in vain. They had not understood the dynamics of their own organisation, so they felt betrayed, and they were. That brought disillusionment on the one hand, irritated nerves and indiffercnce on the other. But still things went on.

The Grouping of the German Labor Movement After Aug 4, 1914

The split of the Social Democratic Party developed the following various groups:

• #1 Majority Social Democrats - Controllers of the old Party apparatus, supported the imperialist war in every way, and captured the bulk of the Party members.


• #2 Social Democratic Labour Partnership - (Sociale Arbeits-Gemeinschaft), later called Independent Social Democratic Party - in opposition to No. 1, but undetermined. Supported, for instance, financially, the Left Radicals in Hamburg, but declined to share further activity with them.


• #3 Revolutionary Confidential Men - (Revolution.re Obleute), in factories and workshops in Berlin. Their policy was class struggle, not imperialist war.[1]


• #4 International Socialists Berlin - Published a journal "Lichtstrahlen" ("Light-rays") anti-war, criticised Nos. 1 and 2 on Marxian lines.


• #5 Rhineland and Westphalia Group - around the propaganda periodical "Kampf" ("Combat"), advocated mass action, and fought Nos. I and 2 on revolutionary socialist lines.


• #6 International Group, Berlin - published excellent revolutionary socialist pamphlets and the well-known "Spartakus" letters - dis- tributed by groups 3, 4, 5, and 7. The first "Spartakus Brief" (Letter) addressed to the working class commenced with the words "You are asleep Spartakus, instead of acting in a revolutionary manner".


• #7 Left Radicals - later they changed their name to International Communists of Germany - had groups in Bremen, Hamburg, Wilhelmshaven, Braunschweig, Hanover, Saxony, East Prussia, and Stettin. Publsihed from 1916 to the end of 1918, the weekly paper "Arbeiter-Politik" (Organ for scientific socialism). Advocated the programme of the revolutionary working class on dynamic Marxian lines. Developed the Workers Councils movement. Their call to action in the war industries was promptly followed by the workers. The Left Radicals saw in the blind belief in the efficancy of Parties, one of the main reasons for the impotence of the working class
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• #8 Others - There were also small groups of Anarchist Syndicalists - revolution- ary pacifists, bold comrades-in-arms - who almost joined the Left Radicals.

It cannot be queried, history is made by all, and time forced to follow suit. In 1916 , the spokesman of the Social Democrats, announced in the German Parliament, "The peace which seems possible today will leave Germany and her allies in the eyes of Europe, as a group of powers, whose spheres of economic control extend from the marshes of the Elbe, to the waters of the Persian Gulf. Thus Germany will have won by her arms, the kernel of a great sphere of economic control, worthy to be set as a closed economic territory by the side of those of other world empires."

This patriotic announcement was answered by the revolutionary socialist, Karl Liebknecht - at that time a conscripted soldier - at an illegal, but quite open demonstration in Berlin on the May Day of 1916 with the slogan "Nieder mit dem Krieg! Der Feind steht im eigenen Land!" Karl Liebknecht - though an M.P. - was sentenced to 6 years penal servitude. But his voice was heard in the workshops of the war industries, as well as on the battle-fronts and in the naval units at sea.

Notes

[1] Since the old terms "Leader", "Official", "President", etc. have become in the minds of class conscious workers synonymous with another class, the German term "Obmann" (contidential man) is the concept for trustworthy fellow workers - respected class comrades).